Human Rights

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Communicating During Contentious Times: Dos and Don'ts to Rise Above the Noise

Community leaders can play a central role in reducing tensions, divisions, and the spread of misinformation that may accompany an election season. The below pointers highlight dos and don’ts for leaders to avoid inadvertently causing harm. Last, we provide simple steps for taking action to reduce likely harms before, during, and after voting occurs.

DOS

Model positive norms: Show that your community is overwhelmingly committed to ensuring free, fair, and peaceful elections.

Highlight stories of community members taking actions consistent with these norms. Emphasize your community’s unifying, local identity–which cuts across lines of division–and draw on local values and stories demonstrating cooperation. Define your community in terms of who it is, rather than who it is not, using its own words, narratives, and local sources.

Emphasize individuals’ agency and the many actions underway to ensure a free, fair, peaceful election.

Amid tensions and uncertainty, people can feel limited in whether and how to respond. Narratives may deliberately create a sense of chaos or cast violence as an inevitability. This can create pressure for people to remain silent or even go along with violence. Emphasizing the work underway to ensure a secure and peaceful election can counteract perceived powerlessness and a sense of chaos, and can offer concrete ways for people to get involved in ensuring a peaceful election. Highlighting this broader context–for instance, the many groups working to ensure communities can securely vote–can also prevent violence or intimidation from having a chilling effect on public engagement.

Where tensions, misinformation, and violence do emerge, consult with targeted communities to learn their needs and preferences for public statements before acting.

Communities targeted with violence and false information often have experience responding in high-threat moments and know best what their community members need. When you do speak out, model empathy toward targeted communities.

Offer a concrete, non-violent path forward for grievances, including clear channels and processes for addressing things in real-time.

Be specific in referring to tensions and/or violence.

Political violence, including harassment, and misinformation are tools to intimidate communities from engaging in public life. Precise, accurate, and accessible language can help ensure violence does not appear more widespread than it is. For example, naming specific districts or stating “at one street corner” rather than referencing full cities or states. Also, be precise about who was involved. For example, saying “there was violence at a protest” could be misleading if the violence was actually from a group of armed counter- protesters and only one or two protesters were involved. Speaking with clarity and precision can limit the ability of violence to intimidate communities from showing up to vote. Importantly, it can also guard against signaling that violence is the norm or expected for those associated with any groups.

DON'TS

Don't signal negative norms, including through depicting violence as widespread.

Don't speak about violence without condemning it and highlighting responses.

Highlighting the many efforts underway to ensure all community members can safely vote or peacefully protest help prevent violence from being used as a tool to intimidate and chill civic engagement. Likewise, avoid repeating calls to violence–even if to report on them–lest you provide a platform to vigilante or extremist groups, who may use past violence to further their notoriety and recruitment efforts.

Don’t use vague or speculative language which can engender mischaracterizations and fear-based responses (particularly if the language misconstrues violence as more widespread than it is). Using specific language eliminates room for assumptions and speculation.

Don’t use language that activates fear or anxiety, such as war and natural disaster metaphors (e.g., “protestors flooded the streets,” or “violence erupted”). This also reduces individuals’ sense of agency (personal empowerment) in responding. Relatedly, avoid repeating language that describes people as animals or as less than human (“dehumanizing language”), such as pests, deadly or wild animals, or diseases. This language drives people to act towards those described with less care or concern than they typically would other humans.

Don’t reference entire groups of people when discussing individual actions or viewpoints.

When an incident is the result of one or a few individuals, don’t attribute it to a general group, such as Republicans, Democrats, or protestors. This can engender an association between harmful actions with entire groups of people, furthering notions of collective blame and negative norm-signaling that all within a particular group or community should or do feel/act a particular way. However, when specific individuals or groups are acting in an explicitly unified way, such as illegal militias or institutions, naming them can highlight culpability.

Don’t repeat misinformation or rumors.

Anticipate the types of misinformation and dangerous rhetoric that might circulate throughout the election and arm yourself with clear, specific corrections. Follow best practices in responding to misinformation (see below).****

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THEY ARE KILLING US! (files.mastodon.social)
submitted 1 day ago by [email protected] to c/[email protected]
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Evidence cited in the ruling showed how Russia, and its proxy government in the region, have created an atmosphere of oppression, using blanket laws targeting extremism and terrorism to silence dissent. Pro-Ukrainian media outlets have been abolished, while the Ukrainian language has been suppressed in schools. Ukrainian banks have been nationalized, along with their customers’ property and assets, the court found.

Crimean Tatars, an ethnic minority, have also been targeted, and between 15,000 and 30,000 Tatar have fled the region since 2014. Tatar television channels have been removed from the air, their cultural and religious buildings vandalized and some Tatar homes have been painted with crosses. Any gatherings by Tatar leaders or groups deemed pro-Ukrainian have been violently broken up, with attendees detained.

Crimea’s occupying government has also cracked down on religious diversity, raiding madrassas and mosques, expelling Ukrainian Orthodox priests and repurposing their churches. Journalists critical of the regime are also routinely harassed and threatened.

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The Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Belarus and Russia have prepared the first joint report on the human rights situation in certain countries. The document was published on the websites of the foreign ministries on the morning of 20 June, BelTA has learned.

The review covers more than 40 countries. Among them are many EU countries (including the closest neighbors of Belarus), the UK, the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, Ukraine, Moldova and others.

A very detailed fact-finding report has been prepared for every country. As visual confirmation, the document has numerous photos. The document is large, more than 1,800 pages long!

Addresses to readers were written by Belarusian Minister of Foreign Affairs Yuri Ambrazevich and Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Vershinin. As they noted, the facts the Report contains show that racist and neo-colonial views are typical of Western "model democracies" in principle.

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Yet while human rights offer a salient language of social justice, it is unclear whether they are legally and conceptually adequate to address the most important political, social and economic questions and conflicts raised by the platformization of social life. Critical literature suggests that the individualized, state-oriented legal protections and non-confrontational language of human rights have historically been as likely to stabilize state and corporate power as to challenge it. Moreover, technology regulation scholars argue that greater attention should be directed towards how digital platforms are transforming the material and socio-technical environments that constitute the conditions of possibility for realizing human rights in practice.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/17235581

"The Oslo Freedom Forum, held annually by the Human Rights Foundation, has become a worldwide cornerstone for human rights activists. This year, the 16th edition of the forum was centered around the theme "Re-claim Democracy." It brought together activists, thinkers, and leaders to discuss the challenges of rising authoritarianism and how bitcoin can support activists fighting against oppressive regimes."

Link without paywall: http://archive.today/L1n4y

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“When governments neglect to invest in their healthcare systems, people and families end up shouldering the burden,” said Matt McConnell, economic justice and rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “While more spending is not enough on its own to ensure universal access to high quality healthcare services, it can help shift this burden, which causes the most harm for people with the fewest resources.”

The Human Rights Watch analysis of healthcare spending in more than 190 countries around the world, available in a summary table at the end of this document, also found that:

Despite a mass increase in healthcare spending across the globe in response to the pandemic, 38 governments spent less on health care in 2021, as a share of their GDP, than the year before it began.

Despite governments’ commitments to reduce out-of-pocket expenditures, individuals and their households collectively paid the equivalent of about US$1.68 trillion for health care out of their own pockets in 2021, a figure comparable to the annual GDP of Australia or the Republic of Korea.

At the height of the pandemic, out-of-pocket payments covered the costs of more than 20 percent of health care in 119 countries. Only high-income countries averaged less than 20 percent in 2021 (17 percent), while upper-middle (29.9 percent), lower-middle (34.6 percent), and low-income (39.1 percent) countries averaged far more.

In 47 countries in 2021, individuals and their households collectively paid more out-of-pocket for health care than their governments spent on it.

Twenty years after agreeing to the Abuja Declaration and committing to spend at least 15 percent of their national budgets on health care, only 2 of the African Union’s 55 member countries met this target in 2021: Cabo Verde (15.75 percent) and South Africa (15.29 percent). On the whole, countries in the African Union spent an average of 7.35 percent of their national budgets on health care that year.

Eighty-three governments paid more per person to service their external public and publicly guaranteed debts in 2021 than on health care.

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Multiplying and escalating crises are placing ever greater strains on people’s mental health and the services available to support them. From the lingering effects of COVID-19, the uptick in climate-related emergencies and the ongoing impacts of conflict and displacement in many regions, more and more people are suffering. Meanwhile, stigma and discrimination against people with mental health conditions and psychosocial disabilities continue in our schools, workplaces and communities.

With as many as one billion people – one in eight of us – living with a mental health condition, and a persistent history of under-investment in mental health services, the gap between the need for and availability of quality care and support can be expected to widen further. This will have predictable consequences for the health, happiness and wellbeing of millions of people.

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Ultimately, achieving health coverage for all is a political choice, said Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General of the UN World Health Organization (WHO).

“But the choice is not just made on paper. It is made in budget decisions and policy decisions. Most of all, it is made by investing in primary healthcare, which is the most inclusive, equitable, and efficient path to universal health coverage,” he emphasized.

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Human rights are fundamental and universal rights inherent to all human beings, regardless of nationality, ethnic origin, age or any other status without which they cannot live a dignified life. These principles should be at the center of all public policies and practices, including, as WHO’s Constitution recognizes, those related to health and health care.9 But human rights norms and standards are not just widely accepted: human rights treaties create specific legal obligations for member states that have ratified them to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights in the development and implementation of laws, policies and programs. The right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health10—a right that practically all countries have committed to uphold—articulates numerous concrete obligations for States relevant to UHC, thus making UHC an expression of an important dimension of this right. Among others, it requires that States ensure the availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality of health services. Some of these obligations and principles are discussed below.

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What are human rights? How do they relate to the economy? Why are they a powerful tool for systemic transformation? Here, you can find short, digestible answers to commonly asked questions about human rights and the economy.

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We are excited to invite you to our upcoming webinar to explore how a Rights-Based Economy can challenge the neoliberal model through an intersectional lens.

Register to join a diverse group of allies to discuss human rights tools that strengthen gender equality, and how shifting narratives through research can open the way to systems change.

Date: Wednesday, 19 June 2024

Time: 12 PM GMT, 7 PM MYT, 7 AM ET

Languages: English, Spanish

Speakers:

Nelly Shiguango, Federation of Indigenous Organizations of Napo, Ecuador

Jessica Mandanda, Feminist Macro-Economic Alliance Malawi

Eva Martínez-Acosta, Centro de Derechos Económicos y Sociales (CDES)

Amna Terrass, Observatoire Tunisien de l'Economie (OTE)

Moderator:

Nicole Maloba , African Women's Development and Communication Network (FEMNET)

We look forward to seeing you there!

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Human rights defenders and government critics continue to face persecution.

In January, authorities released human rights lawyer Tang Jitian after forcibly disappearing him for 398 days. In March, a Guangxi court sentenced human rights lawyer Qin Yongpei to five years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power.” In April, a court in Shandong province sentenced prominent legal scholar Xu Zhiyong and human rights lawyer Ding Jiaxi to 14 and 12 years in prison, respectively, for “subversion of state power.”

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...

Beijing and Hong Kong authorities continued their assault on human rights in the territory, a downward trajectory that is expected to continue as Beijing appointed an abusive former police official, John Lee, as the city’s chief executive.

International attention to Chinese government human rights violations grew. Eight governments engaged in a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics in protest. In June, entry into force of the United States Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act established a presumption that goods from Xinjiang are made from forced labor and cannot be imported. In August, the former United Nations high commissioner for human rights released her report on Xinjiang, concluding that the abuses in the region “may constitute crimes against humanity.”

...

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The Russian Federation has created a stifling climate of fear in occupied areas of Ukraine, committing widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in an effort to consolidate its control over the population living there, according to a UN Human Rights Office report issued today.

The report, based on more than 2,300 interviews with victims and witnesses, details the measures taken by the Russian Federation to impose Russian language, citizenship, laws, court system, and education curricula on the occupied areas, while at the same time suppressing expressions of Ukrainian culture and identity, and dismantling Ukraine’s governance and administrative systems in these regions.

“The actions of the Russian Federation have ruptured the social fabric of communities and left individuals isolated, with profound and long-lasting consequences for Ukrainian society as a whole,” said UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk.

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Russia's Human Rights Commissioner said on Tuesday she had issued a fresh appeal to senior U.N. and other officials to take action to secure the release of Russian nationals still held by Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Tatyana Moskalkova, writing on the Telegram messaging app, said she had launched the appeal after meeting in Moscow with relatives of those still being held.

"In one conversation, one of the mothers told me details of the situation of those being held," she wrote. News reports have put at eight the number of hostages holding Russian passports, including three who were released.

Moskalkova said she had appealed to the U.N. High Commissioner For Human Rights, Volker Turk, the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Mirjana Spoljaric, and other officials "for the rapid return home of our compatriots".

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  • One of the most direct ways that Beijing promotes authoritarian governance is through training programs for foreign government officials on Chinese governance practices. Beijing uses these sessions to directly promote ideas and practices that marry economics and politics to make a case for its authoritarian capitalism model.
  • The training sessions also appear to serve intelligence-collection purposes by requiring each participant to submit reports detailing their prior exchanges and engagements with other foreign countries on specific training subjects, and it fits into China’s broader ambitions to undermine the liberal democratic norms.
  • The reportis based upon 1,691 files from the Chinese Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) containing descriptions of 795 governmental training programs delivered (presumably online) in 2021 and 2022 during the pandemic. Beijing began delivering training programs in 1981, first in coordination with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) as part of an effort to provide aid and basic skills to developing countries. In 1998, the Chinese government broke away from that cooperation arrangement and began offering its own centrally planned training programs directly to governmental officials from countries across the Global South.
  • The trainings offer authoritarian principles in areas such as law enforcement, journalism, legal issues, space technologies, and many other topics. Given that in China, law enforcement is designed to protect the state and the Party rather than the people, journalism is prescribed to create national unity rather than act as a check against the system, and the law is intended to protect the regime rather than its citizenry, these training programs naturally offer foreign officials different lessons than they would receive from democratic countries.
  • According to the report, the Chinese embassy in a country identified for training typically is notified roughly three months before a training program is expected to be hosted, and the Chinese embassy is tasked with selecting and inviting targeted individuals in the host country. For example, the Chinese Ministry of Public Security attaché at the embassy would be responsible for inviting local law-enforcement representatives to join programs organized by the Chinese Ministry of Public Security.
  • Each training, no matter the subject, has contained language on CCP ideology and organization and related contributions to the PRC’s achievements in that subject area. In this way, authoritarian governance choices are being promoted even in the most niche of subject areas.
  • Even programs on seemingly innocuous topics like beekeeping, bamboo forestry, meteorology, or low-carbon development all begin by briefing participants about the Chinese reform and guiding management principles raised at the latest plenary sessions of the Party committee.
  • For the purpose of this research, the 795 training programs were reviewed and categorized into six groups based on their reported activities as outlined in the files:

1. Clearly authoritarian: The first group describes training programs which include explicit lessons on PRC practices that are widely regarded in liberal democracies as direct infringements on personal freedom. This includes PRC endorsement of non-democratic regime practices in political, government, and legal affairs, including administrative control over the media, information, and population.

2. Potentially authoritarian: These training programs contain lessons on PRC practices which have, in some cases, infringed on personal freedom or indirectly aided infringement of personal freedoms and individual rights. This includes, for example, training on dual-purpose technologies that could be exploited to access individuals’ data in ways that expand state surveillance and control over citizens’ personal lives.

3. Infrastructure and resource access: These training programs are centered on setting standards and imparting industrial technical skills for various aspects of infrastructure and resource extraction, which may further PRC access to critical resources. This includes, for example, renewable energy application, mechanization of the agricultural sector, and technologies in mining, copper processing, and biotechnology.

4. Information operation access: These training programs are centered on activities that might further PRC access for its information operations, such as programs on Chinese culture and Mandarin-language promotion for foreign officials.

5. Security access: The fifth group involves and describes training programs centered on activities that may further PRC access to the sensitive security infrastructure of a foreign country, such as programs on aviation emergency, satellite imagery, and geochemical mapping.

6. Others: The sixth group includes all other training programs that do not fit into the above categories, such as pest control, climate change, soybean production, tourism development, and preschool-education sector capacity building.

Intelligence value of the trainings

As detailed in the files, the majority of these training programs, no matter the category, require participants to submit a report prior to the training. The trainings, therefore, provide a reliable intelligence benefit to the Chinese government. Even if an audience does not engage with the program content or demonstrate receptivity to party ideologies and narratives, the reports submitted by participants contain potentially valuable information that Beijing routinely receives en masse. Foreign officials are asked to write about current developments in their country related to the training subject, their country’s current cooperation and partnership with other countries on that subject, and potential ideas for collaboration with the PRC on that subject.

Beyond obtaining immediate, updated, and accurate intelligence from foreign government officials, this approach enables Beijing to assess their future willingness to cooperate on that subject. Specifically, the process directly identifies the scope of potential areas of cooperation from leading experts and officials in charge, prepares the way for potential informal discussion about future cooperation, and, most importantly, identifies individuals who are willing to facilitate and build long-lasting relations with China. With this in mind, this research effort focused on trainings aimed at expanding China’s footprint in the Global South’s infrastructure, resources, information operations, and security domains.

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According to Türk, a human rights economy framework “ensures that business models and economic policies are guided by human rights standards and enables an integrated and mission-oriented combination of socio-economic policies that advance each and every SDG goal and target, including in particular by ending discrimination against women and girls, as well as racial, ethnic and linguistic minorities.”

It also advances a fairer distribution of resources that reduces inequalities within and between countries, Türk said.

“A human rights economy is one in which core human rights goals and methods infuse every policy and decision-making process, including taxation, investment and all issues of resource allocation in Government budgets,” he said.

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According to UN Human Rights, a human rights economy places people and the planet at the heart of economic policies, investment decisions, consumer choices, and business models, with the goal of measurably enhancing the enjoyment of human rights for all.

Deepening inequality remains a key obstacle to achieving globally agreed ambitions of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the promise to leave no one behind.

“We need to work together and harder to truly place human rights at the core of all dimensions of sustainable development,” he said.

According to Türk, a human rights economy seeks to “redress root causes and structural barriers to equality, justice, and sustainability, by prioritizing investment in economic, social and cultural rights.”

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Here is the article as pdf.

Huge planetary problems were fixed in the past, yielding lessons for the current climate crisis — yet this time a solution is justice - [Book review]

Solvable: How We Healed the Earth, and How We Can Do It Again Susan Solomon Univ. Chicago Press (2024)

From lead pollution to the hole in the ozone layer and climate change, Earth is no stranger to human-made — often, man-made — global disasters.

In Solvable, atmospheric chemist Susan Solomon describes how high-income countries, and the United States in particular, have repeatedly inflicted incredible amounts of damage on people and ecosystems. She relates the long and difficult struggles that concerned individuals — often from marginalized groups — faced in trying to convince governments to stop industries from destroying lives and the planet in the pursuit of profit. Solvable is a harrowing read, but Solomon is an engaging writer and there is a lot to learn in this book about the environmental crises of the past century.

Solomon relates the story of US marine biologist Rachel Carson, who rang alarm bells about persistent pesticides such as dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) in her eloquent book Silent Spring (1962). Now that we know just how harmful these pesticides are, it is jarring to read how difficult it was to stop their use.

Carson described how falcons and other birds of prey started to lay eggs with thinner shells, then almost no eggs at all; various other bird populations shrank markedly; DDT in mammals led to the development of tumours and caused sterility. Although the overwhelming evidence for the effect of DDT on animals that Carson presented was independently confirmed by the then US president John F. Kennedy’s own science advisory council, Carson was belittled and portrayed as a hysteric by politicians and the media.

This playbook of deliberate ignorance of the scientific method, disinformation and a hefty dose of misogyny is all too familiar to those advocating for climate justice today.

In the United States, it took a non-governmental organization, the Environmental Defense Fund, and a few highly publicized lawsuits to ban DDT in 1972 — seven years after Carson’s death. Others followed suit, slowly, including in the European Union with partial bans from 1978 and the United Kingdom in 1984.

Yet, the chemical industry continued to manufacture and export DDT to countries that lacked regulation, such as those in Africa and southeast Asia. A global limit was placed on DDT use in 2004 — when the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants came into force. It’s hard to assess adherence, however, because there’s little monitoring.

Geopolitical inequities

In another parallel with the climate crisis, exported DDT found its way back to nations that had banned it, through global supply chains, such as those involved in importing fashion goods from Asia, which often rely on farms that use DDT to grow cotton. Similarly, by consuming goods produced in Asian nations, European countries are exporting their production of carbon dioxide emissions, as well as exploiting cheap labour.

As inexpensive, practical and short-lived alternatives have been found, DDT use is slowly fizzling out. As a result of the bans, populations of peregrine falcons (Falco peregrinus) in the United States and Europe are recovering. Solomon takes hope from this, even though she points out that the alternatives, such as neonicotinoids, are not harmless either. Because of them, bees are now dying out.

Lead additives in petrol and paint are another example of policymakers and industry dragging their feet. Solomon highlights how, in the 1920s, Thomas Midgley Jr, a chemist at the US automotive company General Motors (GM), discovered that adding tetraethyl lead to petrol increased the efficiency and lifespan of internal combustion engines. The health hazards associated with lead were well known — even the ancient Romans had realized, centuries before, that drinking wine from lead-lined pottery caused poisoning. Yet, GM’s compound, marketed under the trade name Ethyl, became widely used.

Lead contaminated the environment and caused serious public-health issues, affecting the brains and nervous systems of many children, causing comas, convulsions and even deaths. From the early 1960s, citizen groups demanded change, citing strong scientific evidence. Yet, policymakers didn’t feel compelled to stop the use of lead in paint and petrol for more than a decade. The US Environmental Protection Agency limited the amount of lead allowed in petrol in 1973. Although the harm such fuels caused — exacerbated by the increasing number of vehicles on the road — was known, they were only fully banned in the 1990s.

Lead-based house paints were banned in 1978 in the United States. Yet, even today, some people are still exposed to lead in old, peeling paints. Similar to climate change, it is often Indigenous communities, people of colour and other marginalized groups who are disproportionately paying the price, with their health and lives, for the decades of profits that have enriched a few in the petroleum industry.

Within a decade, now at the Frigidaire division of GM, Midgley had turned his attention to refrigerants and was involved in the creation of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), particularly Freon. CFCs were initially celebrated for their non-toxic, non-flammable properties, which made them ideal, or so it seemed, for use as coolants in refrigerators and as propellants in aerosol sprays. In the mid-1970s, it became apparent that these compounds break down at cold temperatures and react with ozone.

Over the next 15 years or so, CFCs created a massive hole in the ozone layer that protects Earth and its inhabitants from dangerous ultraviolet radiation. Rates of skin cancer rose. In what Solomon, rightly in my view, sees as an outstanding success of international collaboration, leaders around the globe agreed in the 1987 Montreal Protocol to phase out CFCs. The ozone hole is now closing. But, once again, this phasing out was planned to be very slow, and only sped up when CFCs were replaced with safer alternatives, in the mid-1990s — more than a decade after their harms were known, and only after companies making and using them had found a profitable alternative.

For Solomon, all these examples show that change happens when impacts are personal, perceptible and practical solutions are available — “the three p’s”. For the climate crisis, in her view, the three p’s have been met: its devastating consequences are being felt around the world and renewable energy has become affordable. Thus, she concludes, we can “do it again”.

Broader solutions

I love Solomon’s optimism and agree that it is important to show that the climate crisis is solvable. Yet, as a climate scientist and philosopher, I don’t quite share her outlook. Each struggle she explores, from pesticides and smog to lead in paint and petrol, demonstrates just how keenly policymakers listen to industry — over other people and living things.

None of these cases were solved by overwhelming scientific evidence, or public concern and outcry. Each time, the industry responsible let go of a harmful product (such as DDT) only once it was sure to make a profit from selling its substitutes (other pesticides) — a strategy it could implement owing to its immense lobbying power in governments. But to solve the climate crisis, technological substitutions won’t be enough.

The harms of persistent pesticides were known long before governments banned them.

Substituting every internal combustion engine with an electric vehicle is not sufficient, neither is replacing coal with solar energy: energy demand needs to fall, too. The consequences of climate change are already very dire. Unlike the issues with the ozone hole or peregrine populations, they will not go away once we stop burning fossil fuels.

Ecological restoration is essential. It includes the sustainable management of forests and rivers, as well as changes in agricultural practices to focus less on livestock and more on diverse, drought-resistant crops. These are not just technical issues that can be implemented by one industry. They require an innovative approach to environmental management, through more decentralized industries and wider participation. The industries that profit from exacerbating the climate crisis will not be the same ones that will profit from change. Ultimately, the justice issues that have been set aside in the more-limited solutions of previous planetary problems — which had inserted technological substitutes into an untouched business model — cannot be ignored any longer.

Solvable is essential reading. I am convinced that Solomon is right: the climate crisis is solvable and this fight does have parallels with previous global challenges. But to address — or rather, redress — the climate crisis, any solution must have human rights at its heart, instead of the continued profits of industries.

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