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The Central Organizing Committee of the Communist Party of Kenya expresses deep concern regarding the proposed deal between the USA and the Kenyan government. It is with great displeasure and utmost frustration that we are forced to witness Kenya allowing itself to be recruited into the [neo]imperialist activities of the United States, the Core Group and the United Nations.

The reported plan of involving Kenyan police to carry out actions on behalf of the USA government in Haiti raises serious ethical and moral questions. In its efforts to endear itself to the systems of power that underpin Western hegemony, Kenya is providing legitimacy for a long-standing series of interventions into Haiti that seek to undermine the aspirations of the Haitian people.

Kenya’s motive to send a small contingent of police officers to Haiti is not to solve the so-called problems of insecurity that beset Haiti. Just as it has been done in the past through recruitment of Caribbean and African countries, it is [meant] to prevent accusations of racism and the oppressive grip of Western foreign powers by having Third World nations give their support for the exploitation of Haiti.

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Recently, during the United Nations General Assembly, Burkina Faso’s Minister of State, Bassolma Bazie, denounced the fact that his country, like Mali and Niger, was involved in the Sahel “in a war dictated by imperialism” under the guise of “fighting terrorism.” He explained that the three countries, with common borders, have established a collective defense and mutual assistance pact, called the Alliance of Sahel States, “to take our destiny into our own hands.”

Bazie emphasized that, “We say no to all those so-called friends who claim to want our supposed well-being or who threaten us with war in order to impose their friendship.” The Burkinabe leader also expressed the opinion that ECOWAS, the African Union and the United Nations should act for the benefit of the peoples and not be structures controlled by a “global minority.”

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In a very under-reported letter to the United Nations Security Council, Aboubacar Daddo, the United Nations Representative stationed in Niamey reported a long series of egregious violations of international law committed by France against the new government in Niger.

In the letter, the ECOWAS sanctions against Niger are denounced as being against regional and international law – without any authorization sought from the Security Council; the French ambassador’s presence in Niamey in defiance of the Nigerien request for him to leave is seen as similarly problematic while France’s refusal to recognize the legitimacy of the cancellation of the military pact linking it to Bazoum is in itself illegitimate, according to this United Nations expert.

Worse still, the letter goes on to document that on Aug. 9, French troops released terrorists whose leaders were then convened in a meeting with a view to attack Nigerien positions in the three border regions. Not to speak of repeatedly violated Nigerien airspace by French aircraft. But when the new Prime Minister of Niger, Ali Lamine Zeine, writes to the Secretary General of the UN to inform him that he will be representing his country at the Assembly General opening in New York this month, António Guterres responds that “You are not invited.”

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According to reports from Libya, the dams had no maintenance during the last 12 years, there was no warning system in place, there were no popular organizations to provide emergency service and during the first week there was no organized rescue operation, either from the two contesting Libyan régimes or from foreign organizations.

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France, in particular, has used the CFA franc to keep West and Central African nations undeveloped — and from ports to mineral deals has forced African countries into deeply unequal economic relationships. Despite their boats of “aid” in 2021, “aid” to Niger amounted to $1.37 a week per Nigerien; only 7 cents were spent on education and 15 cents on supporting health care services.

Appealing to “democracy,” blaming Russia and various other excuses are born out of desperation as [neo]imperialism loses its grip on the African continent. The military forces of the NATO countries are no longer able to enforce a deeply unequal order. Africans understand what’s going on, and won’t take it any longer. French neocolonialism is the most odious manifestation of a broader set of policies backed by the G7 nations to keep Africa in chains; the uprising against it is the first step in removing those shackles.

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WAPO therefore strongly and unambiguously condemns the current warmongering attitude of ECOWAS and demands that the military bases of all [neo]imperialist and neo-conservative forces in West Africa be withdrawn.

We call on our member organizations to close ranks and fight against any unjust [neo]imperialist war that might be imposed on our region by the folly of our bankrupt rulers.

We firmly believe that the U.S., France, the U.K. and NATO will be the current beneficiaries of any war in Niger. It is clear that the dignity of our peoples and the sovereignty of Niger will be the losers.

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The governments of Burkina Faso and Mali issued a joint statement, asserting that any attempt at military intervention to remove Tchiani would be taken as a declaration of war against both their countries. “The transitional governments of Burkina Faso and Mali, One: have expressed their fraternal solidarity of the people of Mali and Burkina Faso with their brothers in Niger who have decided of their own accord to take their destiny in hand and to assume their sovereignty. Two: Denounce the persistence of the regional organizations to apply sanctions that aggravate the suffering of the population and imperil the spirit of Pan-Africanism. Three: Refuse to apply these illegal, illegitimate and inhumane sanctions against the Nigerien people and authorities, Four: Any military intervention against Niger would be tantamount to a declaration of war against Burkina Faso and Mali”, the statement read. (africanews.com, Aug. 1)

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The coup d’état was immediately condemned by the Economic Community of West African States, by the African Union, and by the European Union. Both France and the United States — which have military bases in Niger — said that they were watching the situation closely. A tussle between the Army — which claimed to be pro-Bazoum — and the presidential guard threatened the capital, but it soon fizzled out.

On July 27, General Abdou Sidikou Issa of the army released a statement saying that he would accept the situation to “avoid a deadly confrontation between the different forces which … could cause a bloodbath.”

Brigadier General Tchiani went on television on July 28 to announce that he was the new president of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie or CNSP).

The coup in Niger follows similar coups in Mali (August 2020 and May 2021), Burkina Faso (January and September 2022) and Guinea (September 2021). Each of these coups was led by military officers angered by the presence of French and U.S. troops and by the permanent economic crises inflicted on their countries.

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This summit was the latest step taken by the continent’s countries to fulfill the commitment to “silence the weapons in Africa,” a goal that is still far from being achieved.

But the African states — while demanding greater and better representation in multilateral organizations such as the U.N. Security Council, and demanding the reform of institutions at the service of the great “Western” powers, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank — are increasingly intervening in the search for peace not only in Africa but also in other parts of the world.

An example of this is the African mission that went to Kiev and Moscow, seeking to contribute to the solution of the conflict in Ukraine. This conflict threatens to escalate into a war of even greater proportions and already affects Africa by blocking the export of Russian grain and fertilizers to countries on the continent.

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After a military coup in May 2021 that enjoyed widespread popular support, France began to withdraw all its troops from Mali — nearly 8,000 at the height of its involvement. By August 2022 they were all withdrawn.

[…]

The new cooperative agreements allow French banking representatives to be brought back. Removing the deposit requirement takes pressure off the French banks to offer a fair interest rate on the deposits. French control is less obvious but still exists.

According to Ndongo Samba Sylla, a Senegalese development economist at the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s West Africa Office in Dakar, Senegal, “France is facing more and more pressure in Africa, militarily speaking, because people oppose its interventions, and as we see in Sénégal, economically speaking as well.”

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The product of a decade of research, this landmark collection is the first of four volumes in the Women Writing Africa Project, which seeks to document and map the extraordinary and diverse landscape of African women’s oral and written literatures. Presenting voices rarely heard outside Africa, some recorded as early as the mid-nineteenth century, as well as rediscovered gems by such well-known authors as Bessie Head and Doris Lessing, this volume reveals a living cultural legacy that will revolutionize the understanding of African women’s literary and cultural production.

Each text is accompanied by a scholarly headnote that provides detailed historical background. An introduction by the editors sets the broader historical stage and explores the many issues involved in collecting and combining orature and literature from diverse cultures in one volume. Unprecedented in its scope and achievement, this volume will be an essential resource for anyone interested in women’s history, culture, and literature in Africa, and worldwide.

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A united popular movement, which overthrew the military regime in 2018 and has opposed the new military coup that took over in October 2021, is continuing to mobilize, while faced with the bloodshed caused by the two warring armed forces. Here are excerpts from its April 19 statement, signed by 42 organizations:

“We, in the resistance committees and democratic political, civil, and professional forces, hereby declare that our country has slid into the abyss of total war, in which generals use their weapons to eliminate everything in their path, and excessive violence has been used by the regime forces as a tool to settle the disputes and conflicts over power. This is contrary to the rules of democratic transition and peaceful power-sharing.

“Despite our differences in political views, we are completely united in our stance against the war and its continuation, and in our opposition to the return of the remnants of the previous regime to the political scene.

“We call for an immediate cessation of the war and the silencing of the clamor of guns, and we reject any results of the war, no matter what they may be. We emphasize the necessity of unity among the forces of the revolution in the face of the schemes of the remnants, those who are striving to regain control of the country, even if it means tearing it apart. We assure them that their efforts will fail, and they will never return to power, as the glorious December revolution is still alive and burning.

“In this regard, we intend to agree on a joint mechanism to monitor developments, coordinate positions, and confront anything that threatens the security and safety of our country and its citizens. We hold the warring parties fully responsible for any violation of human rights.

“We should mobilize to declare a comprehensive political strike and civil disobedience, which is the duty of the moment that we must all rally around, and not allow speeches of sedition, fragmentation, and hateful rhetoric to tear this country apart, and to undermine its unity, sovereignty, safety, and the dignity of its people.” (menasolidaritynetwork.com)

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The challenges of recovering from the storm are compounded by the global divide between fabulous wealth and extreme deprivation. Although Africa is rich in mineral wealth, it has the highest poverty rate of any continent. Of its 54 countries, 34 are among the poorest 50 in the world, with 40% of Africa’s people surviving on less than $1 per day. Yet the United Nations has offered the three countries impacted by Cyclone Freddy just $10 million in aid for recovery.

Africa’s poverty stems from the brutal history of enslavement and colonization. The massive theft — not only of mineral wealth but of somewhere between 12 million and 20 million human beings — funded the expansion of capitalism, making it the dominant mode of production globally. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism, characterized by the growth of monopoly and the domination of finance capital, came into being on the backs of African people.

Trillions of dollars are owed to Africa and Africans in the diaspora for stolen resources, labor and people.

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Emmanuel Macron wants to rebrand Paris’ presence in its former colonies as cultural and economic projects

After France was dumped by some of its former colonies in Africa in favor of new partners, like Russia and China, French President Emmanuel Macron has announced a new plan in an obvious effort to have an excuse to keep hanging out in the hope of winning hearts and minds.

How exactly does Macron plan on doing that? Certainly not by “taking people for imbeciles”, as he said on February 28 while announcing his new African strategy ahead of a tour of the continent this week. “We aren’t going to do common good,” Macron stated, underscoring that France clearly has interests and isn’t going to pretend otherwise. After a remark like that, one might be lulled into believing that everything else that he said would be equally straightforward.

That’s not exactly the case. Rather, Macron is just announcing a different manipulation tactic – because Washington’s model of deploying military shock and awe on resource-rich countries in the hope of ultimately translating it into business deals apparently isn’t getting the job done. Even worse, the West is now worried about being outdone on the security and economic front by Russia and China. And for all the patronizing attempts to warn African countries to avoid dealing with them — most recently by Western officials at the Munich Security Conference — it turns out that treating African leaders like they don’t know what’s in their own best interests isn’t working, either.

The big question in the wake of Mali giving the boot to France’s years-long “counter-terrorism” mission, leading to an exit of the country’s armed forces from the region, was how Paris would justify sticking around. In 2021, there were over 19,000 deaths related to Islamist violence, more than in 2015, when Boko Haram was at its strongest, in the Sahel – the region that France ostensibly sought to stabilize.

So France was fired. For all its time in the region, Paris wasn’t able to parlay its security footprint into the kind of economic and resource deals that it wanted on behalf of both itself and resource-poor Europe.

Macron tipped his hat early in his speech by evoking the Franc of the Financial Community of Africa, as a sort of anchor for the Franco-African cooperation that he’s introducing. The controversial currency, used in 14 African countries and printed in France, is pegged to the Euro. Some consider it a symbol of colonialism and a lack of sovereignty, while the Western establishment generally considers it a source of stability for these countries that attract investment.

Back in 2019 when she was in opposition, Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni called it the “colonial currency” to which France “applies seigniorage and by virtue of which it exploits the resources of these nations.” Macron would now like to build on that, s’il vous plaît.

To that end, the French President has a new idea that involves Africans forgetting France’s military presence on the continent. Its bases in Africa are now going to be co-managed with Africans and some will be rebranded “academies”, he said. Apparently, in today’s Western world, if an army base wants to self-identify as a school, that’s now entirely its right.

The move to soften France’s image in Africa after having overseen the proliferation of jihadists under its counter-terrorism missions looks a lot like the Biden administration’s new PR efforts aimed at Africa. “Jill Biden’s visit to Namibia was a big hit with scores of giddy children who crowded around her Thursday as she handed out boxes of White House M&Ms after visiting an organization that gets US support for programs that teach young adults about HIV/AIDS and gender-based violence,” the Associated Press reported on February 23.

Macron is also playing up new French-led cooperative initiatives for Africa in culture, sports, health, digital technology, and education. All backed by a European team, he said — in case there were any doubts as to the European Union using France to wedge open the door to resource heaven. Macron also repeatedly mentioned partnerships with African civil society. Translation: French cash for NGO “influencers”. That’s generally called a “paid partnership” on social media, and the ethical protocol is to disclose that funding relationship. What are the odds that the French-backed NGOs will be doing the same when attempting to influence their fellow citizens?

Macron spoke of France’s network of African diaspora, able to open the doors to increased business cooperation in their countries of origin. It sounded like he was planning to just swoop in and rain cash on African enterprise. But how much of that, in reality, will end up benefiting French companies and their shareholders?

One would think that Macron has discovered “soft power”, and figures that seducing Africans with football, French art, French-style philosophical debate, and French rap will give France faster access to the continent’s riches than pretending to do something useful with guns.

Africa shouldn’t be reduced to a terrain of competition, Macron said, now that France has been eliminated from that particular competition and sent home. “The flaw of France is that it’s too divided, too hard to read and not concrete enough,” he added. If Africans were hoping that France would go home and do some soul searching before attempting a return, they might be disappointed to learn that Macron places much of the blame for the failure to implement his grand vision for Africa on the contradictory debate that French democracy still allows — albeit barely. But now that his failures self-identify as successes, he’s circling back around for another go.

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GHANA RISING

KWAME NKRUMAH LIVES

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ADT: In the 1960s, we wanted to break out of [foreign] domination and a model based on exporting only a few raw materials, without ever using them locally — so as to create jobs and transform our agriculture and our own production of food needs. To this day our economy consists of producing for international demand and the needs of others. Mass unemployment, mass poverty, emigration and what is called jihadism are directly related to these economic issues.

(Emphasis original.)

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I did watch some videos of his speeches, and i readed some info about him. He apparentelly was an Pan-africanist, friend of multiple arab and third world countries, including Cuba, was anti Israel, and anti-anglo hegemony. And then there is the Genocide that most people relate him with, where he supposedly orchestrated the genocide of over a million Tutsis, Twas and Hulus. I dont believe on literally anything that the western midia says about third world leaders anymore, they acused literally every single one of them that did go against the western hegemony, while at the same time they white washed dozens of cruel dictators they installed themselves on several countries. Does anyone got some trustfull info on Idi and his goverment that proves or disproves this supposedly genocide?

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